BIRTH AND SCHOOLING

Jinnah's father Jinnahbhai Poonja (born 1850) was the youngest of three sons. He married a girl Mithibai with the consent of his parents and moved to the growing port of Karachi. There, the young couple rented an apartment on the second floor of a three-storey house, Wazir Mansion. The Wazir Mansion has since been rebuilt and made into a national monument and museum owing to the fact that the founder of the nation, and one of the greatest leaders of all times was born within its walls.

On December 25, 1876, Mithibai gave birth to a son, the first of seven children. The fragile infant who appeared so weak that it weighed a few pounds less than normal. But Mithibai was unusually fond of her little boy, insisting he would grow up to be an achiever.

Officially named Mahomedali Jinnahbhai, his father enrolled him in school when he was six�the Sindh Madrasatul-Islam; Jinnah was indifferent to his studies and loathed arithmetic, preferring to play outdoors with his friends. His father was especially keen towards his studying arithmetic as it was vital in his business. By the early 1880s' Jinnahbhai Poonja's trade business had prospered greatly. He handled all sorts of goods: cotton, wool, hides, oil-seeds, and grain for export and Manchester manufactured piece of goods, metals, refined sugar imports into the busy port. Business was good and profits were soaring high.1

In 1887, Jinnahbhai's only sister Man Bai came to visit from Bombay. Jinnah was very fond of his Aunt and vice versa. She offered to take her nephew with her in order to give him a chance of better education at the metropolitan city, Bombay, that was much to his mother's dismay who could not bear the thought of being separated from her undisputedly favorite child. Jinnah joined Gokal Das Tej Primary School in Bombay.2 His spirited brain rebelled inside the typical Indian primary school which relied mostly on the method of learning by rote. He remained in Bombay for only six months, returned to Karachi upon his mother's insistence and joined the Sind Madrassa. But his name was struck off as he frequently cut classes in order to ride his father's horses. He was fascinated by the horses and lured towards them. He also enjoyed reading poetry at his own leisure. As a child Jinnah was never intimidated by the authority and was not easy to control.

He then joined the Christian Mission High School where his parents thought his restless mind could be focused. Karachi proved more prosperous for young Jinnah than Bombay had been. His father's business had prospered so much by this time that he had his own stables and carriages. Jinnahbhai Poonja's firm was closely associated with the leading British managing agency in Karachi, Douglas Graham and Company. Sir Frederick Leigh Croft, the general manager of the company, had a great influence over young Jinnah, which possibly lasted his entire life.

Jinnah looked up to the handsome, well dressed and a successful man. Sir Frederick liked Mamad (Jinnah�s childhood name), recognizing his extreme potential, he offered him an apprenticeship at his office in London.3 That kind of opportunity was the dream of all young boys of India, but the privilege went to only one in a million. Sir Frederick had truly picked one in a million when he chose Jinnah.

References

1. 1.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) P.5
2. 2.Ibid. p.6.
3. 3.Ibid. p.7.

FIRST WEDDING

When Jinnah's mother heard of his plans of going to London for at least two years, she objected strongly to such a move. For her, the separation for six months while her dear son had been in Bombay was testing, she said that she could not bear this long never ending stretch of two to three years. Maybe the intuition told her that separation would be permanent for her and that she would never see her son again.

After much persuasion by adamant Jinnah, she consented, but with the condition that Jinnah would marry before he went to England. 'England', she said 'was a dangerous country to send an unmarried and handsome young man like her son. Some English girl might lure him into marriage and that would be a tragedy for the Jinnah Poonja family.'1 Realizing the importance of his mother's demand, Jinnah conceded to it.

Mithibai arranged his marriage with a fourteen-year-old girl named Emibai from the Paneli village. The parents made all wedding arrangements. The young couple quietly accepted the arranged marriage including all other decisions regarding the wedding like most youngsters in India at that time.

'Mohammad was hardly sixteen and had never seen the girl he was to marry.' Jinnah's sister Fatima reports. 'Decked from head to foot in long flowing rows of flowers�, he marched in a procession from his grand-father's house to that of his father-in-law, where sat his fourteen year old bride, Emi Bai, dressed in expensive new clothes, heavily bejewelled, her hands spotted with henna, her face and clothes heavily sprinkled with costly itar.�2

The ceremony took place in February 1892; it was a grand affair celebrated by the whole village. Huge lunch and dinner parties were arranged and all were invited. It was the wedding of Jinnahbhai Poonja and Mithibai's first son and the entire village was lured into the festivity.

During their prolonged stay in Paneli, Jinnahbhai's business began to suffer. It was needed for him to return but he wished to take his family and his son's new bride along with him. The bride's father however, was adamant that Jinnah should stay for the customary period of one and a half month after marriage. The two families, newly bonded in marriage, were about to break into a quarrel until the intervention of young Jinnah. He spoke to his father-in-law in privacy and informed him that it was necessary for his father to return immediately along with his family. He gave the option of either sending the young bride back with him or sending her later when he would go to England for two or three years. Jinnah's persuasive power, coupled with extreme politeness was evident even at that age. Emi Bai's father consented to send his daughter, and the wedding party returned to Karachi.

How Jinnah felt about that marriage and his new bride was uncertain, he had little time to adjust since he sailed off to England soon after his return. Upon their return to Karachi, his young bride observed the custom of covering her face with her headscarf in front of her father-in-law. But the progressive Jinnah soon encouraged her to discard this practice.

He studied in the Christian Mission School until the end of October in order to improve his English before his voyage that was planned by November 1892, though some argue that he sailed in January 1893. He was not to see his young bride ever again as she died soon after he sailed from India.

References

1. 1.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) P.7.
2. 2.Fatima Jinnah, My Brother, (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1987) pp.64-5.

SECOND WEDDING

Quaid had best and close relations with Parsi community. He used to visit Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Parsi businessman; Sir Dinshaw had a daughter, Ruttie who was convinced by Jinnah�s qualities of head and heart. She started taking interest in Jinnah. Her interest converted into love during their summer vacation to Darjeeling in April 1916.1 When Sir Dinshaw came to know their love affair, he forbade Ruttie ever to see Jinnah again. Then he sought legal remedies to prevent their marriage. The couple silently, patiently, passionately waited till Ruttie attained her majority at 18.2 Jinnah married Ruttie on Friday, April 19, 1918. She had converted to Islam. None of Ruttie�s relatives attended her wedding. The Raja of Mahamudabad gave Ruttie a ring as a wedding gift. They spent their honeymoon at Nainital. Maulana Muhammad Hassan Najafi on behalf of Ruttie and Haji Muhammad Abdul Hashim Najafi on behalf of Jinnah signed the Nikah document/Register. Their wedding took place according to Shia Isna Ashri doctrine.3 At about midnight (August 14-15, 1919) their only child, a daughter named Dina was born in London. The relations between Jinnah and Ruttie were smooth and pleasant. But in January 1928 after their return from All India Muslim League Annual Session at Calcutta, Ruttie and Jinnah started living separately. Khawaja Razi Haider writes: �it seems that Ruttie Jinnah, young and lively as she was, wanted a glamorous life�a life full of joy and excitement but unfortunately, Jinnah had no time to spare due to his political preoccupation�.4 She left the house on Mount Pleasant Road and gone to live in the Taj Mahal Hotel. During her stay at Taj Mahal, Ruttie�s health was deteriorating day by day. She decided to go abroad just for a change of climate and treatment. She sailed for Paris on April 10, 1928 with her mother. On May 5, 1928, Jinnah left for London. Chaman Lal, a friend of Jinnah who came from Paris to Ireland informed Jinnah about Ruttie�s health. She was delirious with �a temperature of 106 degrees�.5 He reached Paris in two days, and spoke with Lady Petit. Ruttie remained under treatment for over a month in Paris. Ruttie returned to Bombay alone. She had fallen ill again. On 19th February 1929, she became unconscious and remained so until the next day, the February 20, 1929, which was her twenty-ninth birthday. She breathed her last the same fateful day. When Ruttie died, Jinnah was in Delhi. On February 22, Jinnah reached Bombay. Describing Kanji Dwarkdas, Khawaja Razi Haider writes, �When Ruttie�s body was being lowered down the grave, Jinnah was not able to control his emotions. He broke down and wept like a child.�6

Apparently there was a separation between the couple but Ruttie�s love for Jinnah was never ending. She wrote to him in October 1928 while coming back from Paris to India. She wrote, �Darling thank you for all you have done�. Darling I love you�I love you�. I only beseech you that our tragedy, which commenced with love, should also end with it.�7

References

1. 1.Khwaja Razi Haider, Ruttie Jinnah: the story, Told and Untold (Karachi: Pakistan Study Centre, University of Karachi, 2004) p. 25.
2. 2.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) p. 52.
3. 3.Khawaja Razi Haider, op. cit. p. 34.
4. 4.Ibid. p. 139.
5. 5.Ibid. pp. 140-142.
6. 6.Ibid. p. 149.
7. 7.Ibid. pp. 143-144.

A JOUNERY TO LONDON

Jinnah barely sixteen sailed for London in the midst of winter. When he was saying goodbye to his mother her eyes were heavy with tears. He told her not to cry and said that he will return a great man from England and not only she and the family but the whole country will be proud of him. This was the last time he saw his mother, for she, like his wife, died during his three and a half year stay in England.

The youngest passenger on his own, was befriended by a kind Englishman who engaged in conversations with him and gave tips about life in England. He also gave Jinnah his address in London and later invited to dine with his family as often as he could.

His father had deposited enough money in his son's account to last him for the three years of the intended stay. Jinnah used that money wisely and was able to have a small amount left over at the end of his three and a half year tenure.

When he arrived in London he rented a modest room in a hotel. He lived in different places before he moved into the house of Mrs. F. E. Page-Drake as a houseguest at 35 Russell Road in Kensington. This house now displays a blue and white ceramic oval saying that the 'founder of Pakistan stayed here in 1895.1

Mrs. Page- Drake, a widow, took an instant liking to the impeccably dressed well-mannered young man. Her daughter however, had a more keen interest in the handsome Jinnah, who was of the same age of Jinnah. She hinted her intentions but did not get a favorable response. As Fatima reflects, "he was not the type who would squander his affections on passing fancies�.2

On March 30, 1895 Jinnah applied to Lincoln's Inn Council for the alteration of his name the from Mahomedalli Jinnahbhai to Mahomed Alli Jinnah, which he anglicized to M.A. Jinnah. This was granted to him in April 1895.

Though he found life in London dreary at first and was unable to accept the cold winters and gray skies, he soon adjusted to those surroundings, quite the opposite of what he was accustomed to in India.

After joining Lincoln's Inn in June 1893, he developed further interest in politics. He thought the world of politics was 'glamorous' and often went to the House of Commons and marveled at the speeches he heard there. Although his father was furious when he learnt of Jinnah's change in plan regarding his career, there was little he could do to alter what his son had made his mind up for. At that point in life Jinnah was totally alone in his decisions, with no moral support from his father or any help from Sir Frederick. He was left with his chosen course of action without a pillar of support to fall back upon. It would not be the only time in his life when he would be isolated in a difficult position. But without hesitation he set off on his chosen task and managed to succeed.

References

1. 1. Fatima Jinnah, My Brother, (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1987) p-72.
2. 2.Ibid., p. 76.

THE THEATRE

During his stay in London, Jinnah frequently visited the theatre. He was mesmerized by the acting, especially those of the Shakespearean actors. His dream was to 'play the role of Romeo at the Old Vic.' It is unclear when his passion for theatre was unfurlled, perhaps it occurred while watching the performances of barristers, 'the greatest of whom were often spell-binding thespians'. This was no passing phase in life, but an obsession which continued even in his later years. Fatima reminiscences, " Even in the days of his most active political life, when he returned home tired � he would take a play of Shakespeare and quietly read it in his bed�.1

With a theatrical prop, his monocle, always in place in court, he performed like an actor on stage in front of the judge and jury. With dramatic interrogations and imperious asides, he was regarded as a born actor.

After being enrolled to the Bar he went with his friends to the Manager of a theatrical company who asked him to read out pieces of Shakespeare. On doing so, he was immediately offered a job. He was exultant and wrote to his parents about his newfound passion.

He said, 'I wrote to them that law was a lingering profession where success was uncertain; a stage career was much better, and it gave me a good start, and that I would now be independent and not bother them with grants of money at all.� My father wrote a long letter to me strongly disapproving of my project; but there was one sentence in his letter that touched me most and which influenced a change in my decision: "Do not be a traitor to the family." I went to my employers and conveyed to them that I no longer looked forward to a stage career. They were surprised, and they tried to persuade me, but my mind was made up. According to the terms of the contract I had signed with them, I was to have given them three months notice before I quitting. But you know, they were Englishmen, and so they said: "Well when you have no interest in the stage, why should we keep you, against your wishes?"2

The signed contract is proof that how important the stage career was for Jinnah at that time, it was possibly his first love. His father's letter had dissuaded him for the time being, disheartened and dejected, he had consented to his wish. But it was probably the last time he changed his mind after seriously devoting it to something.

References

1. 1.Fatima Jinnah, My Brother, (Karahci: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1987) p. 80.
2. 2.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) pp. 14-5.

LIFE IN LONDON

Jinnah left for England in January 1893, landed at Southampton, catching the boat train to Victoria Station. �During the first few months I found a strange country and unfamiliar surroundings,� he recalled. �I did not know a soul and the fogs and winter in London upset me a great deal�.1 He worked at Graham�s for a while surrounded by stacks of account books he was expected to copy and balance. His father had deposited enough money in his account in a British bank to last for three years of his stay in London. He took a room as houseguest in a modest three-story house at 35 Russell Road in Kensington.

He arrived in London in February 1893 and after two months he left Graham�s on April 25 of that year to join Lincoln�s Inn, one of the oldest and well reputed legal societies that prepared students for the Bar. On June 25, 1893, he embarked on his study of the law at Lincoln�s Inn. His quest for general books especially on politics and biographies led him to apply to the British Museum Library and he became a subscriber of the Museum Library. The two years of �reading� apprenticeship that he spent in barrister�s chambers was the most important element in Jinnah�s legal education. He used to follow his master�s professional footsteps outside the chambers as well. When Jinnah landed at Southampton, it was the peak of British power and influence in the world. The Victorian era was about to end and a new economic order was struggling to be born. Young Jinnah was greatly affected by the life in what was then called, �the greatest capital of the world�, where people had more freedom to pursue what they believed in. Apart from his upbringing according to the traditions and ethics of a religious family, the Victorian moral code not only colored his social behavior but also greatly affected his professional conduct as a practicing lawyer. Jinnah�s political beliefs and personal demeanor as a public man in India for four decades clearly indicate that his training, education and life in London profoundly influenced his way of life. It was that influence and training that helped him a great deal in presenting the most important case of his life and eventually led him to win that case a free country for the Muslims of the subcontinent.

In London, he received the tragic news of the death of his mother and first wife. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system by frequently visiting the House of Commons. He was the youngest student ever to be called to the Bar.

It was in London that he acquired love of personal freedom and national independence. Inspired by the British democratic principles and fired by a new faith in supremacy of law, liberalism and constitutionalism became twin tools of Jinnah�s political creed which he daringly but discreetly used during the rest of his life. He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone, who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892.

Jinnah also took keen interest in the political affairs of India. He was extremely conscious of the lack of a strong voice from India in the British Parliament. So, when the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji, a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament, it created a wave of enthusiasm among Indian students in London. Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons. Naoroji�s victory acted as a stimulus for Jinnah to lay the foundation of the �political career� that he had in his mind.

Jinnah was a marvelous speaker and was recognised as a balanced and reasoned debater. His power of speech had an ability to mesmerise the audience.

References

1. 1.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) p. 8.

QUAID AS A LAWYER

Having qualified as a barrister in England and having made his mark in India, Jinnah's name could be justly added to the 'list of great lawyers' academically linked to Lincoln's Inn. Jinnah practiced both law and politics for half a century; he made a fortune as an advocate and earned glory and gratitude of prosperity as leader of the Indian Muslims. When Jinnah left the shores of free England and voyaged to subject India in 1896, he had perhaps no idea that, one day, he would be obliged by the erstwhile Hindu leaders to make history and his biggest brief would be to win the case of the Indian Muslims for a separate homeland.

LIFE IN BOMBAY

Jinnah left London for India in 1896. He decided to go to Bombay after a brief stay in Karachi. He opted for Bombay because it offered scope for the exercise of his legal faculties and ground for his political ambitions. Bombay had the brightest constellation of India�s lawyer-politicians, at that time. Ranade, Badruddin Tyabji, Gandhi, Tilak, Gokhale, Cowasji, Dadabhoy Naoroji, Bholabhai Desai, Wacha, Nariman and many more renowned men were based in Bombay.

He was enrolled as a barrister in Bombays� high court on August 24, 1896. He took up lodgings in Room No.110 of Apollo Hotel. Father�s business had suffered serious losses by then, and he could hardly get any brief for a year or so but he never stopped helping the poor and needy, even in his precarious financial position. In a letter to the Times of India, Bombay, the June 10, 1910 issue, he appealed to the well-off section of the Muslim Community in Bombay to aid a Muslim orphanage in the city. He donated a handsome amount to the orphanage at a time when his practice was not even flourishing. By 1900, he was introduced to Bombay�s acting advocate-general, John Molesworth McPherson, and was invited to work with him in his office. But soon he succeeded in crossing all the hurdles to become a leading lawyer of India. He won many famous cases through powerful advocacy and legal logic.

In politics, he admired Dadabhai Naoroji and another brilliant Parsi leader Sir Pherozeshah Mehta. It was Pherozeshah Mehta, who entrusted him to defend him in the famous Caucus Case. Jinnah hit the headlines in this case; it was remarkable how a 62-year-old statesman of the Congress and an eminent lawyer had entrusted his defence to a young Muslim barrister.

Jinnah appeared in the annual session of the All India Congress, Calcutta, 1906. Dadabhai Naoroji presided over the session with Jinnah serving as his secretary. In his speech Dadabhai called the partition of Bengal a bad blunder for England and addressed the growing distance between the Hindus and the Muslims in the aftermath of partition. He called for a thorough political union among the Indian people of all creeds and classes. To him, the thorough union, therefore, of all the person for their emancipation was an absolute necessity. He viewed that they must sink or swim together. He told them that all efforts would go in vain without union.1

Jinnah reiterated this call for national unity at every political meeting he attended in those years, and he emerged as true Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. He met India�s poetess Sarojini Naidu at that Calcutta annual session of Congress, who was instantly captivated by the stunning appearance and rare temperament of India�s rising lawyer and upcoming politician.

References

1. 1.A. M. Zaidi, ed., The Encyclopedia of Indian National Congress, 1906-1910, Vol. V, (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Applied Political Research), pp. 116-39.

THE STATESMAN

If Jinnah�s stay in London was the sowing time, the first decade in Bombay, after return from England, was the germination season, the next decade (1906-1916) marked the vintage stage; it could also be called a period of idealism, as Jinnah was a romanticist both in personal and political life. Jinnah came out of his shell, political limelight shone on him; he was budding as a lawyer and flowering as a political personality. A political child during the first decade of the century, Jinnah had become a political giant before Gandhi returned to India from South Africa. Jinnah�s fascination with the world of politics started from his early days in London. He was very impressed by Dadabhai, a Parsi from Bombay. Upon returning to India, Jinnah entered the world of politics as a Liberal nationalist and joined the Congress despite his father�s fury at his abandoning the family business. The 20th annual session of the Congress in December 1904, was the first attended by Jinnah in Bombay. It was presided over by Pherozshah Mehta of whom Jinnah was a great admirer. Mehta suggested that two of his chosen disciples be sent to London as Congress deputies to observe the political arena at that time. His choices for the job were M.A Jinnah and Gopal Krishna Gokhale whose wisdom and moderation the former also admired.

2.POLITICAL CAREER OF JINNAH

Jinnah as a staunch supporter of Hindu Muslim and Indian unity started his political career with Indian National Congress in 1906. To bring closer all the Indian communities he even �bitterly opposed the introduction of separate electorate in the district boards and municipalities�1 at the Congress session of 1910.

Jinnah started his parliamentary career in 1910 and on January 4, elected as member of Imperial Legislative Council from Bombay. On the insistence of Sayyid Wazir Hasan and Mohamed Ali, �Jinnah became a member of the League on October 10, 1913�2 Jinnah was instrumental in persuading the All India Muslim League to amend its constitution by adding a suitable self government under British Crown. In October 1917, he joined the Home Rule League founded by Annie Besant to further the cause of attainment of self rule for India. On the internment of Annie Besant, he became President of the Home Rule League of Bombay on 17th June 1918. He used his position to organize public meetings throughout the Bombay Presidency, mobilized propaganda and publicity campaigns.3

In 1918, he held a vigorous campaign against the farewell party in honour of the Governor of Bombay, Lord Willingdon. �In the company of hundreds of his supporters present on the occasion, Jinnah told Willingdon to his face that the people of Bombay were not party to commemorating or approving his services as Governor�.4 The efforts of Jinnah were applauded and Jinnah Memorial Hall was constructed as a tribute to him from the people of Bombay.

Another landmark of Jinnah�s political struggle, to bring closer the Hindus and Muslims, was Lucknow Pact. In December 1916, AIML and Congress met in Lucknow. It was due to untiring efforts of Jinnah that the Congress �agreed to separate electorate, for the first and the last time�.5 To applaud these efforts of Jinnah, he was given the title of �Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity� by Sarojni Naidu.

To counter the secret and revolutionary activities during the World War I, an Act was introduced by the British Government known as Rowlatt Act. Jinnah opposed the Act as it was against all the fundamental notions of law and justice. He �resigned from Imperial Legislative Council as a protest�.6

For survival of the Ottoman Empire in Turkey, Khilafat Movement started in India in 1919. Congress participated in the movement and M.K. Gandhi �was elected President of the Khilafat Conference at Delhi�.7 This was followed by the Non-Cooperation Movement which triggered violence in India. Jinnah was against Gandhi�s Non Cooperation Movement so much so that he remained away from it. �He had a feeling that the League was being overshadowed by Gandhi�s ideologies, so he distanced himself from Khilafat Movement�.8

The dream of Hindu-Muslim unity seemed collapsing but it was Jinnah who stepped forward and presented his Delhi Muslim Proposals in 1927. For the sake of Hindu-Muslim unity, the Muslim League was ready to forego the demand which was cry of the Muslim India, the �separate electorate�. The Delhi-Muslim Proposals �reflected his intentions and revealed his views about Hindu-Muslim Unity�.9 These efforts were undone by the Nehru Report. Jinnah opposed it tooth and nail. �The Nehru Report of 1928 made no concession at all, and was rejected by all shades of Muslim opinion�.10

Reaction to Nehru Report was the famous Fourteen Points of Jinnah. These Fourteen Points clearly reflected the demands, sentiments and aspirations of the Muslims�.11 The Congress did not give any importance to these points and instead determined to oppose them.

In order to discuss the political deadlock and reach some constitutional settlement of British India, Round Table Conferences were held in London from 1930-1932. Jinnah �played a vital role on Federal Structure Sub-Committee�.12 The Round Table Conference proved that the two main communities of India held bipolar and contradicting views on Indian constitutional progress.

To end the stalemate British Government announced Communal Award on 16 August 1932 leading to the enactment of Government of India Act 1935. The Act was neither held by the Muslim League nor by the Congress. But this Act became the basis for the future constitutions of India and Pakistan.

References

1. 1.Ahmad Saeed, Trek to Pakistan, (Lahore: Institute of Pakistan Historical Research, 2002), p.251.
2. 2.Ibid., p. 252.
3. 3.Sikandar Hayat, The Charismatic Leader: Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the Creation of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2008), p.42.
4. 4. Ibid.
5. 5. Ahmad Saeed, op.cit, p. 133.
6. 6. Ibid., p.145.
7. 7. Jaswant Singh, India-Partition-Independence (New Delhi: Rupa & Co., 2009), p.107.
8. 8. Ahmad Saeed, op.cit., p. 255.
9. 9. Ibid., p.173.
10. 10. Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications), p. 10.
11. 11. Ahmad Saeed, op.cit, p. 199.
12. 12. Muhammad Ali Siddiqui, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: Speeches: Round Table Conference [1930-1932] (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1996), introduction.

THE ALL INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE

The year 1906 was extremely important and eventful in the history of Indian nationalism. On 1st October, 1906, a deputation led by Sir Aga Sultan Mohammad (1877-1957) comprising of 35 Muslim leaders from all parts of India (UP 11, Punjab 8, Bengal 6, Bihar 3, Bombay 3, Madras 1, Sindh 1, CP 1 & Hyderabad 1 gathered in Simla to meet the new Viceroy Lord Minto and place forth their appeal for help against the unconcerned attitude of the Hindus towards the needs and status of the Muslim majority in future political setup. They informed the viceroy about their hopes for the representation of Muslims in every branch of government. They further elaborated that the Muslims should not be regarded merely as a minority but a distinct community with strong historical and political background.1

The Viceroy was sympathetic to the demands of the group and applauded their loyal and articulate address. As a result of this meeting, the Muslims were promised separate electorates, which was a recognition of separate Muslim identity and proved a historical milestone in the making of Pakistan.2

In the year 1906, a leading landlord of Dacca, Nawab Sir Salimullah Khan (1871-1915) invited the All India Muslim Educational Conference to be held in Dacca. The founding meeting of the All India Muslim League was held in Dacca�s Shahbagh on December 30th, 1906. It was presided over by Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk. The resolution was moved by the Nawab of Dacca Salimullah Khan, and was seconded by Hakim Ajmal Khan. Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk Mushtaq Hussain (1841-1917), who was the first president of the infant Muslim League, declared:

�The Musalmans are only a fifth in number as compared with the total population of the country, and it is manifest that if at any remote period the British Government ceases to exist in India, then the rule of India would pass into the hands of that community which is nearly four times as large as ourselves �our life, our property, our honour, and our faith will all be in great danger. When even now that a powerful British administration is protecting its subjects, we the Musalmans have to face most serious difficulties in safe-guarding our interests from the grasping hands of our neighbors.�3

The main cause for the formation of the Muslim League was to safeguard and advance the rights and the welfare of the Muslim community and to convey their needs and problems to the government. The Muslims had realized that it was important for them to have a platform to voice their demands; their meeting with the Viceroy at Simla had already proved productive and fruitful. Another reason for the formation of the Muslim League was to prevent the rise of any kind of hostility among the Muslims towards other communities. Aga Khan was appointed the first honorary president of the Muslim League. The London branch of the League was also founded by Syed Ameer Ali.

The Muslims at that point were divided into two groups. Firstly, there were the Idealists who believed that the Hindus and the Muslims could still work together to achieve their goals. These Idealists joined the Congress. The other group was that of the Realists who were convinced that the Congress was a biased platform which protected only the interests of the Hindus, which will ultimately lead to the Hindus ruling the Muslims. Jinnah attended the annual session of the Congress at Calcutta in 1906 along with other similar minded Muslims, Hindus, Parsis and the Christians. This meeting was presided over by Dadabhai Naoroji and M.A Jinnah acted as his secretary.4

Dadabhai claimed that by partitioning Bengal, the British had made a grave mistake, which must be remedied for the sake of the people of the subcontinent. Talking about the issue of the mounting distance between the Hindu and the Muslim communities, he said, �Once self-government is attained, then will there be prosperity enough for all, but not till then. The thorough union, therefore, of all the people for their emancipation is an absolute necessity.�5 At that point Jinnah was a firm believer of this ideology and strongly advocated it. He therefore came to be known as the �Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity�. With this stance in mind, he set out to accomplish the Congress�s mission of uniting the two communities, which would ultimately help the Indians to achieve swaraj (self rule).

There was a split in the Congress led by the Maharashtra�s Lokamanya, (Friend of the People) Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920), in the session held at Surat in 1907. Tilak had no confidence in the reforms promised by Morley and in protest his followers first rejected British-made goods and later boycotted their institutions too. They started protesting fervently for swaraj and became popular with the masses.6 The British government in an attempt to gain control over the situation arrested the prominent leaders of that movement which included Tilak.Tilak chose Jinnah to his case in the High Court and although the British government refused to hear anything on Tilak�s behalf, Jinnah�s exceptional skills as a barrister and orator were obvious in the way he presented his case. Also the depth of his character can be seen in the fact that he was willing to fight, to the best of his ability, for the leader of an opponent party. This earned him the respect and esteem of one of the most conformist leaders of the subcontinent at that time.

Jinnah was one of the few members to participate in the Viceroy�s sixty-man Central Legislative Council in 1910. He represented Bombay. He was 35 at that time and was amongst the youngest members to join this high level council, again verifying his brilliance and standing.7 This was three years before when he actually joined the Muslim League. King George V annulled the partition of Bengal, in December 1911, leaving the Muslims of India with a feeling of betrayal as the highest officials of the government had assured them of its permanence.8

References

1. 1.M. Rafique Afzal, A History of the All-India Muslim League 1906-1947, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) p. 4.
2. 2.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) p. 24.
3. 3.Ibid., p. 25.
4. 4.Ibid., p. 26.
5. 5.Ibid., p. 27.
6. 6.Ibid., p. 28.
7. 7.Ibid., p. 30.
8. 8.Ibid., p. 33.

REORGANIZATION OF ALL INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE

While in England, the Quaid had been watching the events that were happening in India and was saddened to see how Muslim interests were being sacrificed by the chaotic situation within the Muslim League. The Muslim League was in the hands of rich landlords or some middle class intellectuals with limited horizons, while the All India Congress was emerging as the leading party for Indian independence.

In 1933, the "Now or Never" pamphlet by a 35 year old Choudhry Rehmat Ali (1897-1951) was published in which the concept of a separate Muslim state was not only highlighted but the name "Pakistan" was also proposed for it. This motivated the young intellectuals of Aligarh and other universities to accelerate the growth of Muslim political consciousness throughout India.

Jinnah realized that organizing the Muslims of India into one powerful and dynamic organization was badly needed and that he would face enormous difficulties in that task.

On March 4, 1934, in a combined meeting of various factions of the Muslim League at Delhi, the formation of one Muslim League was decided and Jinnah was elected as president of that Muslim League. He was given an enthusiastic welcome on his arrival in Delhi in April 1934.1

A meeting of the All India Muslim League Council was held in Delhi in April 1934 and decisions were taken to prepare grounds for the radical transformation of the Muslim League into a mass party representative of all sections of the Muslim community. After two trips to England in that year, Jinnah finally returned for good in December 1934. This was the start of a new era in India's struggle for independence. The All India Congress was not willing to acknowledge the Muslim cause and insisted on portraying only two parties in this regard, the Congress and the British. Jinnah emphasized the fact that the Congress could not win the battle of freedom until it gained the support of all the communities and assurance was not given to the minorities about their rights and protection of interest in an independent India.

On February 5, 1938 at an occasion of the Muslim Union at Aligarh, Jinnah said, "I am convinced and you will agree with me that the Congress policy is to divide the Muslims among themselves. It is the same old tactics of the British Government. They follow the policy of their masters. Don't fall into the trap. This is a moment of life and death for the Musalmans�The Muslim League is determined to win freedom, but it should be a freedom not only for the strong and the dominant but also for the weak and the suppressed."2

He performed two important tasks after his return from England; the first was to unite and activate the Muslim League as the sole representative body of the Muslims of India. The second was to continue the struggle for freedom of India on constitutional lines.

The reorganization of the Muslim League was a difficult task and he was faced with enormous difficulties including opposition from petty politicians with local interests, the propaganda of the Congress-paid nationalist Muslims and open hostility of leaders from different provinces of Muslim majority. He set an example of political and moral rectitude that was unparalleled in India. He meant what he said and was extremely honest in his dealings with friends and foes alike. He followed certain well-defined principles and nothing could persuade him to deviate from this path. He exercised his powers as president with due regard to democratic principles, acted according to the constitution of the Muslim League and never exceeded his powers as president.

The Quaid toured the whole country, visiting every corner of India, addressing meetings, meeting Muslim students, arguing with double-minded local leaders, exposing the policies of the Hindu Congress and slowly creating political consciousness among his people. Meanwhile, the Act of 1935 was passed on August 2, 1935 that was a clear attempt to crush the forces working for democracy and freedom. Therefore, the Muslim League rejected it. The provincial part of the constitution was however, accepted "for what it was worth".

In order to strengthen the League, bolster its bargaining position, and help prepare it for contesting elections, Jinnah appointed and presided over a new Central Parliamentary Board and affiliated provincial parliamentary boards. These boards, similar to those earlier established by the Congress, were to become Jinnah's organizational arms in extending his power over the entire Muslim community.3

In the 1937 elections, the Muslim League did not do well and won only 109 seats out of 496 it contested.4 The Muslim League failed to win majority in any of the Muslim provinces, where regional non-communal parties like the Unionists in the Punjab won majorities and formed ministries. The results of the elections demoralized many of the League leaders. The only redeeming feature was that the Congress had miserably gained 17 Muslim seats. The Congress had failed because it had made no effort to contact the Muslim masses, and was certain that politics based on economic issues would prevail in India. However, the conditions on which the Congress wanted to co-operate with the Muslim League in U.P. were so humiliating that no self-respecting party could accept them. The Congress was prepared to accept Muslims only if they ceased to have a separate political entity and were merged in the Hindu-dominated Congress. The Muslim League, of course, refused to do that for the sake of a few cabinet posts. The attitude of the Congress towards other parties opened the eyes of all sections of politically conscious people. The Unionists and other small parties who had been cold towards the Muslim League also changed their attitude within a year of the Congress taking control of power in the provinces. Fear of the dictatorial attitude of the Congress and the pressure of Muslim public opinion soon influenced local Muslim parties and one by one they came into the fold of the League or at least allied themselves with it.

LUCKNOW SESSION OCTOBER 1937

Jinnah utilized all his energies on revitalizing the League. With the assistance of the Raja of Mahmudabad, a dedicated adherent of the Muslim League, the Lucknow Session was a grand demonstration of the will of the Muslims of India to stand up to the Congress challenge.

Jinnah came by rail from Bombay, and as his train steamed into Kanpur Central Station "a vast crowd of Muslims mobbed his compartment," Jamil-ud-din Ahmad recalled:

'So exuberant was their enthusiasm and so fiery their determination to resist Hindu aggression that Mr. Jinnah , otherwise calm and imperturbable was visibly moved�His face wore a look of grim determination coupled with satisfaction that his people were aroused at last. He spoke a few soothing words to pacify their inflamed passions. Many Muslims, overcome by emotion, wept tears of joy to see their leader who, they felt sure, would deliver them from their bondage'.5

He arrived in Lucknow on October 13, 1937, where twenty years before he had acted as a true Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, heralding a bright era of Hindu-Muslim unity that lasted a little longer than World War I. Jinnah's speech at that historic session gave a resounding reply to the Congress policies and exposed the anti-Muslim acts of the Congress ministries.

Jinnah began, addressing the estimated 5,000 Muslims from every province of India:

"This Session of the All-India Muslim League is one of the most critical that has ever taken place during its existence. The present leadership of the Congress, especially during the last 10 years, has been responsible for alienating the Muslims of India more and more, by pursuing a policy which is exclusively Hindu; they are in a majority, they have by their words, deeds and program shown, more and more, the Muslims cannot expect any justice or fair play at their hands. Wherever they were in a majority and wherever it suited them, they refused to co-operate with the Muslim League parties and demanded unconditional surrender and signing of their pledges.

To the Muslims of India in every province, in every district, in every tehsil, in every town, I say: your foremost duty is to formulate a constructive and ameliorative program of work for the people's welfare, and to devise ways and means for the social, economic and political uplift of the Muslims�Organize yourselves, establish your solidarity and complete unity. Equip yourselves as trained and disciplined soldiers. Create the feeling of an esprit de corps, and the cause of your people and your country. No individual or people can achieve anything without industry, suffering and sacrifice. There are forces that may bully you, tyrannize over you and intimidate you, and you may even have to suffer. But it is going through this crucible of the fire of persecution which may be leveled against you, the tyranny that may be exercised, the threats and intimidations that may unnerve you - it is by resisting, by overcoming, by facing these disadvantages, hardships and suffering, and maintaining your true glory and history, and will live to make its future history greater and glorious not only in India, but in the annals of the world. Eighty millions of Muslims in India have nothing to fear. They have their destiny in their hands, and as a well-knit, solid, organized, united force can face any danger, and withstand any opposition to its united front and wishes. There is a magic power in your hands. Take your vital decisions - they may be grave and momentous and far-reaching in their consequences. Think a hundred times before you take any decision, but once a decision is taken, stand by it as one man."6

It was at the Lucknow Session that Jinnah persuaded Sir Sikander Hayat Khan to join the Muslim League along with his Muslim colleagues. That development later became famous as the Jinnah-Sikander Pact.

This Session marked a dramatic change not only in the League's platform and political position, but also in Jinnah's personal commitment and final goal. He changed his attire, shedding the Saville Row suit in which he had arrived for a black Punjabi sherwani long coat. It was for the first time he put on the compact cap, which would soon be known throughout the world as "Jinnah cap". It was at that session that the title of Quaid-i-Azam (the great leader) was used for Jinnah and which soon gained such currency and popularity that it almost became a substitute for his name.7

The great success was achieved by Jinnah on the organizational front of the Muslim league. Within three months of the Lucknow session over 170 new branches of the League had been formed, 90 of them in the United Provinces, and it claimed to have enlisted 100,000 new members in the province alone.

Allama Iqbal in last years of his life was a pillar of strength to Jinnah. He was an influential man and his poetry had made a place for itself in the hearts and minds of the people of India and abroad and had a special appeal for the Muslims. He was not an active, practical politician, but he could not remain indifferent to the Muslim majority provinces. In his letter of June, 1937 he wrote to Jinnah to concentrate on Muslim majority provinces. He recognized in Jinnah the man chosen to lead the Muslims. "You are the onl Muslim in India today to whom the community has a right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India, and perhaps to the whole of India."8

Jinnah's primary occupation in the year 1938 and 1939 was to build a mass party. He made tours of India and roused the Muslims with stirring speeches in which he exposed the Congress and answered the propaganda directed against him by the Hindu Press. His countrywide tours were superbly successful. Wherever he went, he was received with great love and fervor, especially by the Muslim students and the younger generation who idealized him and saw him as a beautiful mirror that reflected their future.

A special session of the Muslim League was held in April 1938 in Calcutta in which the Bengal leaders led by Fazlul Haq declared their loyalty to the League. In his presidential address, Jinnah announced that in his extensive tours throughout the country he had come across an insatiable desire among the Muslim masses to unite under the banner of the Muslim League.

The Muslim League had been revolutionized within a very short period and one of the results of this was that members of provincial assemblies gladly joined the Muslim League parliamentary parties.

The twenty-sixth session of the League was held in December 1938 in Patna. Jinnah made another hard-hitting, historical speech to a tumultuous gathering from all over the country. Jinnah made an objective assessment of the development of Muslim consciousness and claimed that the Muslim League had "succeeded in awakening a remarkable national consciousness." He told the meeting, "You have not yet got to the fringe of acquiring that moral, cultural and political consciousness. You have only reached the stage at which an awakening has come, your political conscience has been stirred�You have to develop a national self and a national individuality. It is a big task as I told you, you are yet only on the fringe of it. But I have great hopes for your success."9

By the end of 1938, the Muslim League was recognized as the representative of the Muslims by the British Government and soon the Viceroy was giving the same importance to the views and opinions of Jinnah that he gave to those of the Congress leaders. The Second World War broke out in 1939 and the British government was anxious to win the favor and co-operation of the major political parties and leaders in their war effort. The Viceroy made a declaration in October assuring the people of India that after the war, the constitutional problems of India would be re-examined and modifications made in the Act of 1935, according to the opinion of Indian parties. The Congress reacted to that drastically, condemned the Viceroy's policy statement because British declared war on India without their consent and called upon the Congress ministries to resign by October 31, 1939. On the resignation of the Congress ministries, the Muslim League appealed to the Muslims and other minorities to observe December 22, 1939 as the "Day of Deliverance".

Jinnah and his party were no longer willing to retain the status of a mere "minority", and the capital of Punjab had been chosen purposely as the place to announce the Muslim League's new-born resolve.

References

1. 1.Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada, ed. The Foundations of Pakistan, Vol. II (Karachi: Ferozons Ltd, 1970) p. 229.
2. 2.Waheed Ahmad, ed., The Nation�s Voice: Towards Consolidation March 1935-March 1940 (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1992), p. 236.
3. 3.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) p. 142.
4. 4.M. Rafique Afzal, A History of the All-India Muslim League 1906-1947, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) p. 219.
5. 5.Stanley Wolpert, op. cit., p. 151.
6. 6.Ibid. p. 153.
7. 7.Ibid. p. 152.
8. 8.Shamsul Hassan Collection, P & P-I/14.
9. 9.Waheed Ahmad, op. cit., p. 330.

THE PAKISTAN RESOLUTION (1940)

Jinnah's Lahore address lowered the final curtain on any prospects for a single united independent India. Those who understood him enough know that once his mind was made up he never reverted to any earlier position realized how momentous a pronouncement their Quaid-i-Azam had just made. The rest of the world would take at least seven years to appreciate that he literally meant every word that he had uttered that important afternoon in March. There was no turning back. The ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity had totally transformed himself into Pakistan's great leader. All that remained was for his party first, then his inchoate nation, and then his British allies to agree to the formula he had resolved upon. As for Gandhi, Nehru, Azad and the rest, they were advocates of a neighbor state and would be dealt with according to classic canons of diplomacy.1

The British had been compelled to recognize the Muslim League as the sole representative of the Muslims of India by 1940 and Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah as its undisputed leader.

Time and Tide of London published an article by Jinnah2 on January 19, 1940 under the caption "The Constitutional Future of India". He maintained that the democratic systems based on the concept of a homogeneous nation such as England are very definitely not applicable to heterogeneous countries such as India. He called the Hindus and the Muslims "two different nations" with different religions and different social codes. It is obvious that by calling the Hindus and the Muslims two nations, Jinnah had reached the threshold of partition, but he was still reluctant to abandon his lifelong dream that Hindus and the Muslims would come to an understanding and in unison make their common motherland one of the great countries of the world.

The Quaid-i-Azam crossed the barrier at the Lahore session of the Muslim League in March 1940. He traveled to Lahore from Delhi in a colorfully decorated train on which green flags were mounted, bearing the emblem of the Muslim League: the crescent and star.

Jinnah decided to address a public gathering on the opening day. It was a huge gathering of the Leaguers, the Khaksars and the Muslims at Minto Park (now Iqbal Park). Jinnah had expounded the rationale of the resolution in his presidential address that lasted for hundred minutes and frequently punctuated by thunderous applause. Though, most of his audience of over 100,000 did not know English, he held their attention and visibly touched their emotion. He asserted that the Muslims were "a nation by any definition". In his historical address he laid the foundation of a separate state for the Muslims of India:

"The Hindus and the Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs, and literature. They neither inter-marry, nor inter-dine together, and indeed they belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspects on life and of use are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Muslims derive their inspirations from different sources of history. They have different epics, their heroes are different, and they have different episodes. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the other, and likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and the final destruction of any fabric that may be so built for the government of such a state."3

The session began with Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan presenting the annual report on March 23, 1940. After the report, Maulana Fazlul Huq from Bengal, moved the famous Lahore Resolution, better known as the Pakistan Resolution, "�the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the North-Western and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute 'Independent States' in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign."4 The resolution was seconded by Choudhry Khaliquzzaman who gave a brief history of the causes which led the Muslims to demand a separate state for themselves. Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan, Sir Abdullah Haroon, Nawab Ismail Khan, Qazi Mohammad Isa and I.I Chundigar supported it, among others.

The resolution passed in Lahore on March 23, created a scare in the minds of the Congress and the Hindus. They could see that the Muslim League had now openly advocated the division of India into "Independent States." The Quaid had anticipated the Hindu reaction and had taken organizational steps to face the opposition of the Hindus.

He himself set an example of calm, courage and an iron determination to lead the Muslims to their cherished goal of freedom. The Pakistan Resolution released the potential creative energies of the Muslims and even the humblest amongst them made his contribution for the achievement of Pakistan. The Quaid knew that without a well-defined goal that could be understood even by the simplest Muslim, there could be no real awakening of the Muslims. The Pakistan Resolution gave them a legible, objective and reachable goal: Pakistan.

References

1. 1.Sstenley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984) pp. 182-3.
2. 2.Dr. Muhammad Ali Siddiqui, ed. Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah: A Chronology (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1996) p. 223.
3. 3.Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada; ed., The Foundations of Pakistan, Vol-II (Karachi: Ferozons Ltd, 1970) p. 338.
4. 4.Z. H. Zaidi, ed. Jinnah Papers: Pakistan: The Goal Defined, Vol-XV, Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam Papers Wing, 2007) p. 230.

3.1941-1947 (THE TRANSFER OF POWER)

The period of 1941-1947 is very important in the political career of Quaid-i-Azam regarding establishment of Pakistan. The Pakistan Resolution of 23rd March 1940 defined the goal of Pakistan. On the face of Congress opposition to the Pakistan scheme, Quaid-i-Azam stood firm like a rock. In an article published in the Times and Tide of London, Quaid-i-Azam reiterated that Hindus and Muslims are two different nations and insisted on the two nations sharing the governance of their common motherland.1

The Second World War had a significant effect on the events leading to creation of Pakistan. The British Government was eager to attain the cooperation of leading parties of India including All India Muslim League. Quaid-i-Azam elaborated Lord Linlithgow on the League Working Committee�s stance that as a pre-condition of League�s full cooperation and support to the war effort, the British Government should give assurance that no policy declaration would be made or any constitution framed without the approval or consent of the Indian Muslims.2

On August 8, 1940, in a view to gain Indian support, the British Government issued a white paper that �after the war a constituent Assembly would be formed which will include all the elements of the national life and its task would be to prepare the framework of the country�s future constitution�.3 The scheme was called the August Offer. Quaid-i-Azam as a constitutionalist realized the importance of August Offer and in a meeting of League Working Committee �expressed his satisfaction over the British Government decision that no future constitution would be adopted without the prior approval and consent of the League�.4

To bring an end to the political deadlock of India, the British Government send Sir Stafford Cripps. He arrived in India on 22nd March 1942 and held talks with Indian leaders including Quaid-i-Azam on his famous proposal called as CRIPPS PROPOSALS. The proposals included some important points like complete independence to India after war, framing of new Constituent Assembly and if a province wants not to accede, she was given this option.

The Cripps proposals were rejected both by the Congress and Muslim League. Though Quaid-i-Azam was against these proposals and termed it as �vaguer terms and unfair to Muslims in obliging them to take part in a constitution making body whose main object, contrary to their, was the creation of an all-India union�.5 Besides rejecting, Quaid-i-Azam saw a ray of hope in the Cripps proposals and had admitted that the only positive aspect of the plan was that� for the first time, the British Government agreed in principle to the idea of partition�.6

The Congress was adamant to oppose the British Government at any cost. To give impetus to this stance, the Congress Working Committee on 14th July 1942 passed a Resolution calling upon the British Government to quite India immediately. Quaid-i-Azam sensed the real motive of Congress Resolution. In an statement to the press, Quaid-i-Azam revealed that the aim of the Congress is �blackmailing the British and coercing them to concede a system of government and transfer power to that government which would establish a Hindu raj immediately under the aegis of the British bayonet thereby placing the Muslims and other minorities and interests at the mercy of the Congress raj�.7

Not all Muslims looked up to Jinnah. Many criticized him, some because they found him too Westernized, others because he was too straight and uncompromising. One young man, motivated by religious fervour and belonging to the Khaksar, a religious party, attempted to assassinate him on 26 July 1943. Armed with a knife he broke into Jinnah�s home in Bombay and succeeded in wounding him before he was overpowered. Jinnah publicly appealed to his followers and friends to �remain calm and cool�8 The League declared 13 August a day of thanksgiving through out India.

When Gandhi realized that Quit India Movement was heading nowhere but towards failure, he approached the Viceroy and at the same time, sought settlement with the Muslim League. With this end in view, C. Rajagopalachari, the only person who was seeking some understanding with the Muslims, wrote a letter to Quaid-i-Azam on 8 April 1944. He forwarded to the Quaid-i-Azam his formula known as C.R. Formula.

C. Rajagopalachari termed it �a basis for a settlement which I discussed with Gandhiji in March 1943 and of which he expressed full approval�.9 Quaid-i-Azam responded to C. R. Formula not by himself but instead said that the matter to be presented before Working Committee of the All India Muslim League. Salient features of the C. R. Formula were formation of interim government, plebiscite to decide the issue of separation from Hindustan, mutual agreements in case of partition etc. The C.R. formula became the basis for Gandhi in connection with his talks with Quaid-i-Azam.

JINNAH GANDHI TALKS are an interesting chapter in the history of India. The two major figures of their parties were watched with an air of expectancy, aimed at breaking the political stalemate between the League and the Congress for a settlement to pave the way for Indian independence. Though the talks were between two personalities but actually it was the clash of two schemes, C. R. Formula advocated by Gandhi and Pakistan Resolution by Quaid-i-Azam. Gandhi and Jinnah met on 9 September 1944 and the meeting was followed by a series of letters exchanged between the two. In a letter wrote to Gandhi, Quaid-i-Azam questioned his position, �representative Character and capacity on behalf of the Hindus or the Congress�.10 Quaid further wrote that you cannot discuss the Hindu-Muslim settlement and you have no authority to do so. To this M. K. Gandhi replied that he was participating in the talks in individual capacity.11 Quaid-i-Azam primarily based his views on Lahore Resolution that the areas in which the Muslims are in majority should be grouped to constitute independent states. M. K. Gandhi insisted on C.R. Formula as starting point. He added that after the war an interim government would be set up and a plebiscite will be held as to decide in favour of separation from Hindustan or against it. To this Jinnah replied and saught clarification for the mechanism and authority to decide and work out these matters. The Jinnah-Gandhi talks failed as C.R. Formula and Pakistan Resolution could not be reconciled. But it exposed the Gandhi�s Congressite-cum-Mahasabhite face. He wrote to Quaid-i-Azam that �I find no parallel in history for a body of converts and their dependants claiming to be a nation apart from the parent stock�.12 Quaid-i-Azam reiterated that Muslims are a nation by any definition and by all canons of international law.

The failure of Gandhi-Jinnah talks necessitated the need for all the political parties of India to come to some political settlement of the communal tangle. On June 14, 1945, Lord Wavell announced for re-organization of Governor General�s Executive Council. The arrangement put forward by Lord Wavell is called WAVELL PLAN. A conference was called by the Viceroy at Simla and invited inter alia Quaid-i-Azam to attend the Conference. At the SIMLA CONFERENCE the Muslim seats became the bone of contention. Congress insisted on nominating two Muslims of its own while Quaid-i-Azam demanded that �all Muslims appointed to the Council should be from among the All India Muslim League�.13 The Simla Conference failed mainly because of the refusal of the British Government and the Congress to recognize the All-India Muslim League as the only representative body of Muslim India. Now the challenge before Quaid-i-Azam and Muslim League was to prove that Muslim League is the only representative organization of Muslim India and it was proved in the General Elections of 1945-46.

To set the preparations for GENERAL-ELECTIONS 1945-46, a campaign for collection of funds was started in July 1945. In response donations in large sums received from all over the India and the Indian Muslims abroad. Parliamentary Boards were set-up in each province to decide the issue of allocation of Muslim League tickets. The democratic attitude of Quaid-i-Azam can be witnessed in allocation of seats and it was made clear by Quaid-i-Azam that he will never interfere with the work of the Parliamentary Boards nor be interceded on behalf of any aspirant. Quaid-i-Azam urged on the Leaguers to concentrate exclusively on the elections. In a telegram to medical students of Calcutta, he advised �establish complete unity, face election with grim determination. Issue life-death. Every vote for the League means rescue of hundred million Musalmans, Islam Pakistan�.14 The League performed well in the elections. It swept all the Muslim seats in the Central Assembly and captures 428 out of 492 Muslim seats in the provincial legislatures. The League�s claim to speak on behalf of Muslim India has now been fully realized.

After the War the British Government was left with no option but to give independence to India. In these circumstances the Secretary of State for India, Lord Pathick Lawrence on February 19, 1946, announced the formation of the CABINET MISSION to solve the Indian political tangle. The salient features of Cabinet Mission Plan were long term and short term. The long term plans were union of India, grouping of India into 3 groups based on Communal lines and option of reconsideration for any group, the terms of constitution after 10 years. The Short term plan including setting up of an interim government by the Indian representatives. Quaid-i-Azam rejected the Cabinet Mission plan and in a statement on 22 May 1946 said, �Pakistan is the only solution to the constitutional problems of India�.15 But being a lover of democracy, the Quaid-i-Azam rested the decision with the League Council. In the meeting of League Council, Quaid-i-Azam expressed his firm faith that the Muslims of India would not feel at rest till the creation of Pakistan. He further added, �the scheme contained in itself, a basis for Pakistan�.16 The Congress out rightly rejected the Cabinet Mission Plan while the Muslim League accepted it. It was binding on the British�s Government to invite Muslim League for the formation of interim government but it was not done so. Under these circumstances, the League on 27 July 1946, decided to withdraw its support for the plan and to take DIRECT ACTION to attain Pakistan. In this meeting Quaid-i-Azam remarked, �the Cabinet Mission has played into the hands of the Congress. It has played game of its own�.17 However due to the stern responses, the League along with Congress was invited to form the interim government.

The last Governor General of India, Louis Mountbatten arrived India on 22nd March 1947. Louis Mountbatten was sent by the British Government on a special mission to transfer power to India. With this end in view he prepared a plan for the transfer of power known as MOUNTBATTEN PLAN OR 3RD JUNE PLAN. Important points of 3rd June Plan were adequate arrangements of Punjab and Bengal assemblies if they favor partition of these provinces, referendum in NWFP and Sylhet for deciding their fate to join India or Pakistan etc. The Plan was presented on June 2, 1947 before the Indian leaders including Quaid-i-Azam. Being a constitutionalist and firm believer in democratic norms, he remarked, �I can express my own opinion in this regard but the Muslim League is a democratic institution. Therefore, the League and Working Committee would contact the people before making any final decision�.18 The plan was finally approved by League Council on 9th August 1947.19 The plan of 3rd June paved the way for partition of India in general and of Punjab and Bengal in particular.

To give effect to the 3rd June Plan, a commission was formed headed by Sir Cyril Radcliff known as RADCLIFFE COMMISSION. The Commission was assigned the task of demarcating the contiguous Muslim and non-Muslim majority areas of the Punjab and Bengal. The award of Radcliffe Commission was very astonishing to the Muslims. Great injustices were done by the Award. The Muslim majority areas of Gurdaspur, Jullundur, Ferozpur, Zira and Ambala were handed over to India due to the clandestine efforts of Congress in general and V.P. Menon in particular. The Quaid-i-Azam expressed his grief and resentment on the Award and said that they have been squeezed inasmuch as it was possible and it was an unjust, incomprehensible and even perverse Award.20 During these circumstances the independent Muslim State of Pakistan emerged on the map of the world on 14th August 1947 and Quaid-i-Azam became the undisputed first Governor General of Pakistan.

References

1. 1.Z. H. Zaidi, ed., Jinnah Papers: Pakistan: The Goal Defined Vol. XV, (Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam Papers Wing, 2007), Chronology.
2. 2.Ibid.
3. 3.Ahmad Saeed, Trek to Pakistan, p. 279.
4. 4.Ibid.
5. 5.H. V. Hodson, The Great Divide: Britain-India-Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 102.
6. 6.Ahmad Saeed, op. cit, p. 286.
7. 7.Waheed Ahmad, ed., The Nation Voice: Unity, Faith and Discipline, Vol. III (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1997), pp. 28-31.
8. 8.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, p. 225.
9. 9.Z. H. Zaidi, ed., Jinnah Papers: Quest for Political Settlement, Vol. X (Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam Papers Project, 2004), pp. 266-8.
10. 10.Ibid., pp. 143-6.
11. 11.See ibid., 149-50.
12. 12. Ibid., pp. 159-62.
13. 13.Ahmad Saeed, op, cit., p. 302.
14. 14. Z. H. Zaidi, ed., Jinnah Papers: The Verdict for Pakistan, Vol. XII (Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam Papers Project, 2005), p. 386.
15. 15. Waheed Ahmad, ed., The Nation�s Voice: Deadlock, Frustration and Riots, Vol. V (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 2001), p. 8.
16. 16. Ahmad Saeed, op, cit., p. 309.
17. 17. Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada, The Foundations of Pakistan, Vol. II (Karachi: National Publishing House Ltd., 1970), p. 544.
18. 18. Ahmad Saeed, op. cit., p. 329.
19. 19. Ibid., p. 336.
20. 20. Ibid., p. 352.

4.QUAID-I-AZAM AS GOVERNOR GENERAL (1947-48)

Quaid-i-Azam became first Governor General of the nascent state of Pakistan on August 15, 1947. The new responsibility was like bed of thrones for him. The new country was faced with lot of problems like refugee rehabilitation, issue of princely states, non-availability of a workable system for running affairs of the State, farming of new constitution and financial strains etc. Quaid-i-Azam tackled these problems boldly and with failing health in such a manner that its parallel can not be found rarely in history of the world.

Quaid-i-Azam was fully aware of the part played by Muslims of India in the creation of Pakistan. During the short period that he lived after the creation of Pakistan, he undertook �despite failing health long and arduous journey to the remotest parts of the country in an effect to keep up the confidence and moral of the people.�1 Quaid-i-Azam laid down correct precedents and traditions for the growth of a democratic Pakistan. For instance, despite insistence of the people, he declined to accept Presidentship of Muslim League as �he considered it inconsistent with his position as Head of the State.�2

The nascent state of Pakistan was engulfed with shortage of funds and requirements of the State as he told Begum Shah Nawaz �only twenty crores of rupees in the treasury and nearly rupees forty crores of bills lying on the table.�3 Beside appealing for funds, he introduced a note of simplicity and austerity into the conduct of offices.

Quaid-i-Azam was fully aware of the role of officials taking interest in politics are being dragged to serve political ends. In his talk to Government Officers at Peshawar on 15 April 1948, he emphasized, �you should have no hand in supporting this political party or that political party, this political leader or that political leader�this is not your business�. Your duty is not only to serve that government loyally and faithfully, but, at the same time, fearlessly, maintaining your high reputation, your prestige, your honour and the integrity of your service.�4

Quaid-i-Azam being a constitutionalist was firm believer and staunch supporter of rule of law. According to the A.D.C. of Quaid-i-Azam, Major Gul Hasan, �around 400 government servants assembled before the gates of Governor General House, for a protest, the staff asked for permission to scatter the protestors through lathi charge, but Quaid-i-Azam, told the staff that peaceful protest is their constitutional right.�5

Quaid-i-Azam was in favor of giving provincial autonomy to the provinces. It is evident from the fact that right from his Fourteen Points till establishment of Pakistan, he always emphasized provincial autonomy.

Quaid-i-Azam firmly believed that no nation can consolidate without education. In a message to All India Educational Conference, he said, �There is no doubt that the future of our state will, and must, greatly depend on the type of education, we give to our children. There is immediate and urgent need for giving scientific and technical education to our people and at the same time, we have to build up the character of our future generation.�6

Quaid-i-Azam stressed on the economical and financial development of the country. �The organizations like Muhammadi Shipments, Orient Airways, Habib Bank, Muslim Commercial Bank, All India Federation of Muslim Chambers of Commerce and Industries and Printing Press came into being.�7 On eve of opening ceremony of State Bank of Pakistan, he said, �I shall watch with keenness the work of your research organization in evolving banking practices compatible with Islamic ideals of social and economic life.�8 In another occasion addressing a gathering at Chittagong, he said, �you are only voicing my sentiments and the sentiments of millions of Musalmans when you say that Pakistan should be based on sure foundations of social justice and Islamic socialism�no other �ism��which emphasize equality and brotherhood of man. Similarly you are voicing my thoughts in asking and aspiring for equal opportunity for all.�9

Quaid-i-Azam believed in a foreign policy based on peace, tranquility and cooperation. On eve of the inauguration of Pakistan Broadcasting Service, he said, �Our object should be peace with in and peace without. We want to live peacefully and maintain cordial, friendly relations with our immediate neighbours and with the world at large.�10

References

1. 1.Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Glimpses of Quaid-e-Azam (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1990), p. 46.
2. 2.Ibid., p. 47.
3. 3.Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan, p. 344.
4. 4.Waheed Ahmad, ed., The Nation�s Voice: Launching the State and the End of the Journey, Vol. VII (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 2003), p. 338.
5. 5.Qayyum Nizami, Quaid-i-Azam Bahasiyat Governor General (Urdu) (Lahore: Jehangir Books, 2010), p. 120.
6. 6.Waheed Ahmad, op.cit, p. 110.
7. 7.Qayyum Nizami, op.cit, p. 147.
8. 8.Waheed Ahmad, op.cit, p. 428.
9. 9.Ibid., p. 289.
10. 10.Ibid., p.1.

THE LEGEND

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the voice of one hundred million Muslims, fought for their religious, social and economic freedom. Throughout history no single man yielded as much power as the Quaid-i-Azam, and yet remained uncorrupted by that power. Not many men in history can boast of creating a nation single handedly and altering the map of the world but Jinnah did so and thus became a legend. Stanley Wolpert has paid a tribute to Jinnah in a befitting manner:

"Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three.�